Wednesday, 7 May 2014

Nick Greiner / ICAC
A member of the Liberal Party of Australia, Greiner unsuccessfully sought to enter the New South Wales Legislative Assembly for the safe Liberal seat of Willoughby in 1978. Although defeated in his first bid to enter the legislature by local bus driver Eddie Britt as part of the "Wranslide" Labor victory that year, Greiner successfully contested a 1980 by-election for the electorate of Ku-ring-gai.
In 1981 Greiner unsuccessfully ran for the Liberal leadership but was narrowly defeated by John Dowd. However, in 1983, Greiner ousted Dowd in a leadership challenge. Highlighting allegations of corruption against the Australian Labor Party government of Premier Neville Wran during the 1984 election campaign, Greiner managed to cut the Labor government's previously overwhelming majority in half, from 41 seats to 21. In the process, he regained much of what the LiberalNational Party Coalition had lost in the previous two "Wranslides," placing it within striking distance of winning the next state election.
Wran retired in 1986, and was succeeded by Barrie Unsworth. In what proved to be a harbinger of things to come, the Liberals came within 54 votes of derailing Unsworth's bid to enter the lower house (he'd previously been a member of the Legislative Council), and managed to take Wran's old seat on a large swing. At the March 1988 election, he led the Coalition to a landslide victory, scoring a 22-seat swing.

Premier of New South Wales[edit]

Greiner handed over a number of responsibilities previously associated with the Premier's Department to other ministers, but in a rare move, served as his ownTreasurer, in order to focus on repairing the State's parlous financial position. The Greiner government, which promised "sensible, moderate but progressive" government, wasted no time in commencing its legislative agenda, announcing across-the-board spending cuts and plans to announce a mini-budget in June. A key government policy was to cut costs in education, including increasing charges for public education, eliminating free public transport for school students and reducing teaching staff (2,400 teaching staff and 800 support staff) through creating composite classes and closing smaller schools, while looking for public assets to sell (ultimately $340 million of assets were identified) and capital works projects which could be abandoned. However, it was forced to defer its plans to repeal Aboriginal land rights legislation (an election commitment) and reduce the power of the Ombudsman to investigate the police when Democrat and Call to Australia members of the Upper House combined with Labor to defeat these pieces of legislation.[4] By September 1988, having promised at the election to run the state like a business, the government were able to announce serious progress towards reducing the state debt and its first budget projected a surplus, and were trying to resolve housing pressures caused by rapidly increasing house prices (which rose from $65,000 to $165,000 in the twelve months to October).[5] Another election promise realised by the new Government was to create the Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) capable of investigating allegations of corruption and graft against the government and within the state. In its first year, it investigated large donations to the Labor and National parties. Despite significant pressure from the parliamentary Nationals, whose leader was implicated in one of the investigations, Greiner refused to budge or to dilute ICAC's powers.[6]
By 1989, the government's position could be described as higher government charges and reduced government services. Increased taxes and fees on motor vehicle drivers, petrol, water, public transport and child care, as the aforementioned cuts to education took effect, the pay of health workers was frozen, workers' compensation to injured workers was limited (although this was later blocked by the Upper House) and state assets were sold off.[7] A series of strikes on the part of teachers and the growing unpopularity of Education Minister Terry Metherell caused problems for the Greiner government during the latter stages of its first term. In August 1989, the Industrial Commission ruled against the government in determining that class sizes were an industrial issue rather than the sole discretion of the Director-General. The government also cut rail services to the north coast, deeming them commercially unviable, and cut 8,000 State Rail Authority employees in an effort to offset the authority's $1 billion annual debt — however, this left the Pacific Highway as the only land transport link for several major towns, and in October and December 1989, two major crashes on the road, both involving passenger buses, claimed a combined total of 54 deaths and 55 injuries.[6] While Opposition Leader Bob Carr made the link between pressure on roads and withdrawal of the country services,[8] a coroner's report in April 1990 pinned the blame on the Federal Government and its "piecemeal" approach to repairs of the Pacific Highway. The government meanwhile reduced speed limits for heavy vehicles to 90 km/h after the accidents, but a work-to-rule campaign by the Transport Workers Union disrupted Sydney's peak-hour traffic and Greiner overrode the Transport Minister to restore the previous 100 km/h limit in late January 1990.[9]
In May 1990, Greiner asked Metherell to try and resolve the ongoing battle with the State's teachers, and they were offered a 9% pay rise, although the disputes continued. Lecturers in the TAFE system, also within Metherell's portfolio, joined them after the government indicated its willingness to implement a report by a private management consultant envisaging a public-private partnership and massive staffing cuts. Metherell resigned from his position in 1990 but the disputes with teachers continued.[9]
Regarded as a fiscal conservative, Greiner was still considered much further to the left than many of his fellow Liberals in terms of social policy. He criticised then Federal Opposition Leader John Howard's controversial comments on immigration policy during the late 1980s, and was widely respected within the ethnic community.
Buoyed by his government's strong performance in the polls, Greiner called a snap election for 25 May 1991. Despite widespread predictions by political and media commentators that Greiner would be easily re-elected to a second term, the impact of the Government's policies, particularly in terms of service cuts and increased charges, caused many voters to turn back to Labor. The election saw the Coalition win 52 percent of the two-party vote. However, much of the Coalition margin was wasted on landslide margins in its heartland, while Labor took back many marginal seats it had lost in its severe defeat of three years prior. The result was a hung Parliament, with the Coalition one seat short of a majority. Greiner was forced into a minority government, relying on support from four Independent MPs. His parliamentary majority was further eroded with the decision of Terry Metherell to become an Independent in late 1991, and with the loss of The Entrance in a 1992 by-election following a Court of Disputed Returns overthrowing the original result.
Greiner was only the second head of government at either federal or state level in Australia who was born outside the Commonwealth of Nations, the first being Chris WatsonPrime Minister in 1904.[citation needed]

ICAC investigation and resignation[edit]

Greiner and Environment Minister Tim Moore decided to offer Liberal-turned-independent MP Terry Metherell an executive position in the Environmental Protection Authority. If Metherell accepted the position, he would have to resign his parliamentary seat, which the Liberal Party was confident of winning in a by-election. While Metherell initially agreed to the position on 10 April 1992, it was criticised by Labor and the independents, and documents were ultimately released showing he had applied for a job in the Premier's Department and then been seconded to the EPA, and had applied after the closing date, but was appointed within hours of his application. Greiner was accused of misleading the parliament, and in late April, Labor and the independents passed a no-confidence motion in Greiner's leadership (though, critically, not against the government) in the Legislative Assembly. The pressure led to Greiner moving that the Assembly refer the matter to ICAC. The inquiry began on 5 May, and following detailed evidence by Metherell that his resignation was part of a package negotiated with Greiner and Moore and the release of Metherell's diaries, Greiner and backbencher Brad Hazzard admitted their statements to the inquiry were wrong. Greiner as a witness could not recall 20 key events under investigation, and the inquiry heard that the director-general appointed Metherell when it was discovered he could not legally be appointed to the EPA.[10] On 19 June, ICAC commissioner Ian Temby concluded that while Greiner had not acted criminally and had not set out to be corrupt, he would be seen "by a notional jury as conducting himself contrary to known and recognised standards of honesty and integrity".[11] Temby found strongest against Environment MinisterTim Moore, a friend of Metherell's who was central to the offer. However, the Commission did not recommend taking action against the two ministers, saying that this was properly the role of Parliament.[12] Greiner focused on the words "honesty and integrity" and argued he was only "technically corrupt", but by 21 June, it was clear the independents would support a vote of no confidence in Greiner and Moore. Greiner lodged a case with New South Wales Court of Appeal and argued any such motions would breach natural justice while the appeal was being heard, but Labor and the independents argued that the Parliament was the body which should decide Greiner's future, and scheduled a vote for 24 June.[10] The independents told Greiner that unless he resigned, they would withdraw their support from the government and support the no-confidence motion.[13] Additionally, federal Opposition leader John Hewson and the state secretary of the Liberal Party urged him to go as the affair was damaging public support for the party, evidenced by a finding in a Saulwick poll that 59% of voters thought Greiner should resign. (Greiner would return the favour to Hewson when he said that Hewson should have resigned immediately, but didn't, after losing the 1993 Federal election.)
Accordingly, Greiner resigned, and was succeeded by John Fahey.[10]
Greiner successfully appealed against the finding in the New South Wales Court of Appeal, which in a 2-1 vote on 21 August 1992 overturned the ICAC findings.[14]The court found that ICAC had "exceeded its jurisdiction" in ruling against the two ministers[15] and granted "declaratory relief that the Commission's report was wrong in law".[16] Following the affair, a parliamentary committee inquiring into ICAC's powers in December 1992 recommended that Section 9 of the ICAC Act, on which the successful appeal was based, should be repealed as it was too narrow in defining corrupt conduct.[17] While the section was not repealed, a sub-section was ultimately added in 1994 which addressed the behaviour of ministers and members of parliament, and gave legislative enforcement to ministerial and parliamentary codes of conduct.[18]

Subsequent career[edit]

In 1994 Greiner was made a Companion of the Order of Australia "for (his) service to public sector reform and management and to the community."[19]
He went on to hold directorships with many of Australia's leading companies. Greiner was chairman of the board of WD&HO Wills and then British American Tobacco Australia for the period 1996 to 2004.[20] In 2011, he was Chairman of Bradken, Citigroup Australia, The Nuance Group, QBE Lenders’ Mortgage Insurance, Blue Star Print Group and Playup; and Deputy Chairman of CHAMP Private Equity.[21] In May 2011, Greiner was appointed as Chairman of Infrastructure NSW by theO'Farrell government.[22]
In the few years after leaving State politics, Greiner had been touted for a tilt at Federal politics including the prospect of replacing Alexander Downer as Federal Liberal Leader and becoming Prime Minister by leading the Coalition to victory at the 1996 Federal election but none of this eventuated.
James Packer/ Gambling Licences / corrupt directors
So it appears   there is an inquiry that James Packer is a suitable person to hold the  Gaming Licence at Barangaroo and assessments are currently  carried out by the Independent Liquor and gaming Authority in  NSW.
I am unaware of the  integrity of this NSW Authority though the Victorian  Commission Gambling and Liquor Regulation's Adam Toma, director of  Licensing and Approvals is shonky and corrupt and in his previous position as National Enforcement Manager at AFSA or ITSA protected fraud.

Wednesday, 30 April 2014


    Milne Berry Berger & Freedman

    Milne Berry Berger & Freedman are a Sydney based law fim.  One of the offices of Milne Berry Berger and Freedmanspecialises in so called "Debt Collectiion".  The office that specialises in debt collection is run by Mittu Gopolan, a partner in the firm.  See my main page on MBBF for more information about Milne Berry Berger Freedman and how to respond to letters of demand from them.
     
    Companies that deal exclusively in debt collection are often known as "bottom feeders" because debt collection requires relatively little skill and the worst of the bottom feeders use intimidation and harassement to coerce money out of people who do not necessariy owe any money at all.
     
    Milne Berry Berger & Freedman used to collect debts for Dun and Bradstreet but now have a relationsip with Australian Recoveries and collections and ANCP.  My page on MBBF lawyers (see link above) has more detail on how to respond to letters from Milne Berry Berger Freedman.
     
    The head office for Milne Berry Berger Freedman is as follows:
    Ground Floor
    154 Elizabeth Street
    Sydney, NSW 2000
    Email: paymentnotices@legalmbbf.com.au
     
    The Milne Berry Berger Freedman website also shows their mobile phone number as as 0404-887-883.  Milne Berry Berger Freedman also offer a free half hour consultation to dicuss any legal issue.  One wonders what they would say if you asked Milne Berry Berger Freedman during one of these free consultations if you had a legal obligation to pay a car park fine when you weren't the driver.
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      My Story

      Brian's story.  Brian received a fine for parking in a permit zone, but there were no signs at eye level and only a faded painted sign on the ground which wasn't visible with early morning sun.  Read more ...


      Susie's story.
        Susie wins in parking fine dispute against ANCP and debt collection company Dun and Bradstreet.  Read more ... 
       
       
      Joanne's story.  Joanne said she felt "stalked" when she was tracked down like a bloodhound and phoned at her workplace by Australian Recoveries and Collections.  And this was despite not owing any money at all.  Read more ...
       
       
      Paul's story.  Paul received demands from Australian National Car Parks and Mittu Gopalan even though he had never parked in the claimed car park. Read more ... 
       
       
      Peter's story.   Peter received a fine from Traffic Monitoring Services.  When TMS didn't withdraw it, he complainted to NSW Fair Trading.  Read Peter's story to find out what happened next.  Read more ...
       
       
      Michael's story.  Michael received a letter of demand from BDK lawyers on behalf of Traffic Management Services and BDK lawyers. Using similar tactics to recommended on this site, he had his fine withdrawn. Read more ...
       
       
      Louise's story.  Louise is one of the remarkable few who have been successful in extracting a refund from ANCP for a fine that has already been paid.  Read more ...
       

       
      Robert's story.  Last July, Robert Terrett received a letter of “intention to sue” from Australian National Cark Parks for allegedly breaching parking rules at Barkly Square Shopping Centre and driving a car he doesn't even own.  Read more ...
       


      Andrew's story. 
      Andrew Borodin is one of the select few people who have been taken to court by ANCP.  Read more ...

      Ian's story
      Ian received letters of demand from Care Park, Parke Lawyers and Crown Collections for an alleged infringement in September 2012.  Because he knew I hadn’t parked there, he wrote in stating this and asked for photographic evidence showing that it was his vehicle (ie, with correct registration number etc).  They sent him photos and sure enough it was the wrong car.  Ian emailed me, suggesting that this has probably happened to others, as they’ve obviously not overly diligent with how they collect information.  
       
      Steven's story
       
      Steven received a $66.00 fine from ANCP.  That afternoon, Steven rang the company that owned the car park (ANCP operated, but didn't own the car park) and explained to a senior manager of the company that the signs were wrong, and that he wasn't parked illegally, and was in fact parking in compliance with the wording on the signs.  The company refused to ask ANCP to withdraw the fine.   Steven decided to return to the car park later that evening and took photos of the signs.  Three months later, Steven received an $88.00 reminder notice from ANCP.  Steven went back to the carpark and took new photos.  When Steven got home he compared the new photos with the photos taken three months ago.  The signs were in exactly the same place, but the wording had been changed and were now clear that Steven could no longer park in the spot he did 3 months ago.  But of course, the implication is also that 3 months ago Steven was legally parked in compliance with the signs that were there then.  But ANCP continued to persue the original fine.  ANCP must have know the signs were wrong, because they fixed them.  Steven is not paying the fine.  Steven is taking legal action against ANCP and when the action is completed he is going to publicise the result.  (Steven is not his real name).
       
      Mary's story
       
      Mary received a $66.00 fine from Parking Patrols (Vic) Pty Ltd in an Ace Parking car park in Box Hill.  She has a ticket which she has kept.  She also scanned and emailed the ticket to herself in case she ever loses or misplaces it. The infringement notice on her car windscreen said she wasn't parking according to directions (even though she had a valid ticket).  Mary rang Ace Parking and without giving her personal details (Mary didn't give her name) found out that this notice is issued when your car is not within the confines of the lines that mark the car park.  However, Mary knows there were no clear lines in the car park and that drivers have to figure out for themselves where to park.  Mary has taken digital photos of the car park as proof (in case they later paint lines).  She is ignoring further letters from Parking Patrols (Vic) Pty Ltd.  If they take Mary to court, she will show the photos as evidence.  Mary is also concerned about other drivers who may have received fines in this car park for not parking within the lines.  Mary is preparing to contact consumer affairs and asking them to investigate.  Mary is hoping that Consumer Affairs will direct the company to pay back all fines received in this car park in Box Hill since it was first created.  (Mary is not her real name).

       




       
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      S
      Victims of Bullying, Harassment, and Victimisation in the CSIRO

      Another website concerned dedicated to innovation and whistleblower’s rights

      Posted on April 26, 2013. Filed under: Uncategorized |
      This is a quick posting to advise of a new website which has recently launched, Victims of DSTO (Defense Sciences and Technology Organisation), which is often referred to as the Defence equivalent of the CSIRO.
      What does this have to do with the Victims of CSIRO?
      There are striking similarities in the treatment of staff in both organisation, in particular the victimisation of whistleblowers and those genuinely concerned about the reputation of Australian science agencies.
      Similar to Victims of CSIRO, Victims of DSTO are attempting to transparently address the issues with much resistance and apathy coming from within the incumbent Federal cabinet, enforcement and regulatory arms of the Australian Government.
      The address for this new website is: http://www.victimsofdsto.com
      A comprehensive list of issues published by the group can also be found here: Hitech